Sim, o sistema de imigra. Esta VENDA de sonho traz milh. Emprego tem sim, mas realmente muito mais f. Empregos (novamente), pois sabemos que este .
THE RECENT URBAN PROTESTS IN BRAZIL. In the last three decades, the Workers’ Party known as the PT or Partido dos Trabalhadores . In 2. 01. 3, the PT completed its 1.
Fiz ele 09/12/ 2006 faz tempo n The Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes Fariseus, Saduceus e Ess. Em 2007, 2008, 2009 com os dados da primeira crise Americana a bolsa despenca e os grandes investidores correm para um porto seguro o da alta valoriza TWO ARDUINOS BECOME ONE.
Federal Government. Who were the protesters that surprised everybody? Had the social Lula and Dilma Administrations policies failed attempting to improve the living conditions of the Brazilian poor?
Which social forces did they represent? The many analysis published about these mobilizations draw attention to some of the common features of the recent international .
This paper does not aim at providing a general or sociological analysis of these events, which undoubtedly have brought some novelties remarked in the movements . What interests us here is to emphasize the specificities of the movements in Brazil and their strong urban issues ties. The trigger of the street protests was a reaction to the bus fare increasing in the S.
The organization behind the protests was the MPL . The high amount of money spent with the preparation for the World Cup promoted by FIFA in partnership with the Brazilian government, and the home eviction of thousands of families because of urban interventions were also present on the posters and rallying cries. However, there were also organized right- wing groups. Another consensual cause, is the wearing thin of formal political representation with which very few Brazilians identify themselves with. In this regard, it is worth noting that the Workers’ Party and its allies settled for and accommodated to the traditional way of doing politics in Brazil; moreover, the most powerful media entities have been running a relentless campaign stressing the way the left- wing, while in power, has been consistently involved in corruption scandals. Just like what happened in a recent past, the urban movements are here to announce a new political cycle; thus, the current urban struggles seem to set in motion another stage in Brazil’s recent history because of the mobility and housing crises.
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There are objective data to justify this thesis. Social policies under the Lula and Dilma Administrations undoubtedly reduced social and economic inequality indicators, as we will show below.
Starvation was eradicated in the country according to the UN. However, income distribution does not sufficient to combat urban injustice that has at its core the land tenure and real estate issues. What the population needs is .
Illegality and exclusion are intertwined. Likewise, the shortage of housing, and especially the shortage of city are linked to a restricted and highly speculative real estate market. Legislation inspired by the urban laws of central countries are applied only to a part of the peripheral city seeking to emulate the “first world” and thus to reproduce inequality through a process known as . The formal or legalized city is the capitalist real estate market city. This market creates first world islands, which reproduce the signs and symbols of international architecture: the fashion city, the official city, the city of foreigner urbanism.
The strong formal market investments concentration mirrors the kind of citizenship and rights which apply only to a very restrict number of people. Exclusion, segregation, informality, and illegality are therefore constructions of social relations, in other words, they are dependent on and subordinate to the accumulation process. This does not mean we are ascribing a dual nature to reality; quite to the contrary, one side of this reality does not exist without the other. What we see is inequality and combination, that is, in the first world island, for example, one is likely to see an abundant and cheap battalion of domestic workers.
Another example are the up- scale residences and condominiums that have separate social and service entrances targeted by social classes. Not even the labeling of an occupation as legal or illegal escapes a class- based criterion. It is not exceptional to find luxury shopping malls or gated condominiums illegally occupying land in Brazil; however, criminalization or violent evictions will only always take place against low- income occupiers. More than the law, as in legal norm, it is the law of the market that prevails.
In turn, informal peripheries are not homogeneously behind. Among the features of globalization, one finds the increase of production (capital mobility) as well as the increase of consumption towards new markets. The culture of advertising creates new social needs.
Towards the precarious and pre- modern urban periphery, the market launches its unbelievable electronic gadgets. This situation engenders conspicuous consumption in the midst of a lack of basic rights such as the right to public transportation or sanitation.
The smartphone launched by the market, arrives before sewage or decent housing, confirming that it is not the consumer (or the basic human needs) that governs production but the opposite: it is the production, and the need for accumulation, which creates the consumer. The neoliberal ideology, as we all know, contributed to deepening these contrasts by restricting government investments in social policies. This movement eventually helped to put an end to the military dictatorship (1.
Federal Constitution (1. Brazil in 2. 00. 2 one of its leaders, blue- collar worker Luiz Inacio . In 2. 01. 3, the Workers’ Party had been in charge of the country for 1. A former urban guerrilla, Dilma Rousseff, who was tortured and imprisoned during the military dictatorship in Brazil, succeeded the 8- year Lula administration. Throughout 1. 2 years they held office, PT presidents Lula (2.
Dilma Rousseff (2. The minimum wage had nominal increase of 2. Over the same 1. 0- year period, the Bolsa Fam. This investment has enlarged the food market and the market for popular products having generated a significant impact on the poor regions of the country, such as the Brazilian northeast. The Bolsa Fam. Another program created during the Dilma administration .
Over the same period, 1. To encourage urban and rural consumption, Dilma. The growth of the domestic market added to the increase in the price of commodities (grains, meat, minerals, cellulose, ethanol), which led to a growth of 3.
GDP per capita between 2. In the first half 2. Brazilian Census Bureau (IBGE). The FAO/UN food security report states that Brazil is a world reference in the fight against starvation, due to the speed with which it reached 1. This figure is considered residual data.
In 2. 00. 3, the figure was 9. These achievements are even more significant if we stress that they have affected the height and weight of children across the country, especially in poorer regions.
Between 2. 00. 8 and 2. Bolsa Fam. Brazil ceased to appear in the FAO hunger map and the federal government was able to reach the trenches of poverty, thus influencing positively in reducing regional inequality. As a consequence of Urban Reform Movements mobilization, for the first time in Brazil. In 2. 00. 1, Federal Law # 1. City Statute of Brazil, was passed to regulate the provisions enshrined in the 1. Constitution. The new statute contained the main principles for Urban Reform: the social function of property and the social function of the city.
In 2. 00. 3, the Ministry of Cities was created, this would not necessarily have been a breakthrough in itself had it not been a claim of the organized urban movements. Between 2. 00. 4 and 2. Brazil. They promoted a discussion process, which originated in the municipalities, went through state legislatures, and culminated with the election of delegates to the National Assembly in Bras. In 2. 00. 4, the National Council of Cities was created.
In 2. 00. 5, Federal Law # 1. Public Consortia was passed. This statute intended to assist city administrations in promoting shared actions across the Brazilian territory. In 2. 00. 7, a Federal Law established the regulatory framework for sanitation; this took place after 1. The Federal Government was gradually resuming public investments that were previously restricted because of economic difficulties, but also by the ideologies of the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and others. In 2. 00. 7, the PAC was launched . This was finally taking place after more than 2.
Furthermore, in 2. Minha Casa Minha Vida (My House, My Life) Program was launched in result of an agreement between the federal government and major companies in construction and urban development. With these legal and institutional achievements, and more, with the return of government investment in urban policy, why is it that city life has become worse? THE URBAN POLICY DEADLOCKIn fact, we are living a paradox. After 2. 9 years of neoliberal policies, just as the Brazilian government finally resumes investments in housing and sanitation, followed by investments in urban transport, the situation of urban life worsens dramatically.
First, we must remind ourselves that cities are not only the stage and the actors of social relations, but they are also commodities. The built environment is the product of certain social relations, but unlike other commodities, buildings, bridges, viaducts, and street furniture are attached to the territory. They are a sui generis kind of product. Each location of land or property is unique and as such presents itself as a monopoly. This differential ensures that an increase in value will be assigned to the owner as result of the legal framework. The business of the city is real estate income.
Real estate income crosses all urban policies that take place in the built environment subsequently of the different features of the different locations. With the latter, the more you produce the more the price falls. When it goes unregulated, the production of housing with subsidies, which is what took place in Brazil, leads to an overall price increase. The Minha Casa Minha Vida Program launched in 2.
President Dilma Rousseff has decided to tackle the 2. The main pillars of this plan were the construction and the automotive industries.